Poland: From pro-European to Euro-Atlantic

Euroscepticism is not particularly popular in Poland. Ever since the country regained its independence from Soviet rule, Europe has been the obvious choice for Polish politicians, even though initially only few of them believed a membership of the European institutions could be achieved on a short term. For the average Pole, Europe represents not only welfare, freedom and democracy, but also a civilisation that distinguishes Poland from (non-European) cultures like Russia, still identified by many as Poland’s main enemy. For a long time, euroscepticism has therefore been the sole domain of extremist parties and individuals in the margin of the political scene. Apart from that, virtually the entire political panorama can be considered pro-European, if not out of love for Europe, then at least for the sheer lack of an alternative. This goes not only for liberal parties like the Civic Platform (PO) and centrists like the Democrats, but also – notably – for the post-communist Alliance of the Democratic Left (SLD).

During the 1990s, Poland found itself in a unique situation, being the largest nation in Central Europe and entirely surrounded by no less than seven new neighbour states. Poland’s leadership gratefully exploited these facts, placing Poland on the map as the nucleus of the region, simultaneously building a bloc of Central European nations, working towards their integration in the European structures, and building a bridge between Europe and former Soviet republics like Ukraine and Belarus. This strategy was successful, not only because of Poland’s population size or its economic potential, but most of all because Poland put itself clear targets, formulated them well and worked carefully to realise them. This earned Poland much prestige and – along with its steady economic development – turned it into an exemplary candidate for EU membership, which was eventually achieved in 2004. This decision was supported by 77,45 % of the Polish voters in a referendum held in June 2003.

The only party that openly lobbied against EU membership was the League of Polish Families (LPR), a party that represents a mix of nationalism and Catholic traditionalism, and is generally considered far right. According to the LPR, the EU is a non-Christian organisation that supports the development of a “civilization of death”. Besides, the party fears that Europe will jeopardise Poland’s independence and favours an isolationist course instead. Somewhat less determined, but still largely eurosceptic, is the Self-Defense Party (Samoobrona), a populist protest party, known for numerous spectacular actions of civic disobedience during the nineties. Its primary motivation is that Europe would be disadvantageous for the Polish countryside. However, seeing how a vast majority favoured Europe over Samoobrona’s isolationism, the party moderated its tone somewhat and during the campaigns for the referendum did not take any clear stance at all.

Poland’s largest party, the Law and Justice party of the twin brothers Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński, president and premier respectively, has traditionally favoured integration with the EU, but on the condition that the terms are beneficial for Poland. The party calls for a referendum about the introduction of the euro, in spite of the fact that the Access Treaty obliges Poland to introduce it anyway. During the campaigns for the presidential and parliamentary elections in September 2005, the party took a slightly more anti-European stance. Not surprisingly, during the two years of PiS rule, Poland has moved away from its pro-European course towards the Euro-Atlantic orientation, especially after the party formed a coalition with the LPR and Samoobrona. Currently Poland presents itself as America’s greatest ally in Europe, allowing its relations with other European countries, especially Germany, to deteriorate. Because of the incompetent and sometimes brutal behaviour of the Polish government in the international arena, as well as its authoritarian and even totalitarian tendencies, Poland has lost much of its good international reputation.

Much will change after the parliamentary elections on October 21. A neck-to-neck race is predicted between the PiS and the PO, while the LPR and Samoobrona will lose and may not even return in the new Sejm. A new government, whatever its composition may be, will therefore likely be more constructive in European matters than its predecessor. However, the PiS will remain sufficiently powerful to make Poland’s future in Europe uncertain.

Jan van Steenbergen

This article was published in Politeia Newsletter 46 - October 2007